"I will remain in this seat by 2027," the Prime Minister stated, noting that if our discussion went well, he might invite the interviewer into Number 10 for a follow-up chat next year.
For a PM, there's rarely ever break for prime ministers. Just an hour before the interview began, Starmer had been on the phone with Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky and working to decipher precisely had happened in Venezuela, where his big friend, US President Donald Trump, had recently attacked and captured its leader, Nicolás Maduro.
By the time our lengthy talk, which was far more extended than usual, had finished, Maduro had been charged in New York.
But as the year commences, the Prime Minister appears to have had a degree of a refresh. Maybe even just some relaxation with the family at Chequers, the prime minister's official country residence.
That certainly appeared to have put him in a more positive mood than at the sluggish conclusion of 2025, a dreadful annus horribilis for him.
But are he and his allies deluding themselves if they reckon his fortunes are poised to get better?
The grisly truth for the PM is that a significant number of his fellow MPs believe he's ineffective at his job. Several of them would rather gamble and remove him in 2026.
However Sir Keir was having none of it during our conversation on Saturday morning.
Multiple times he stated he'd be "evaluated at the general election", insisting nobody would take his five-year mandate from him – even if the most effective strategy of preventing Nigel Farage and Reform UK getting to No 10 may be for Labour to replace leader.
"We are in the fight of our times and I intend to guide the party," he declared.
The issue for the PM is that he will be scrutinised far sooner than then – in a mega set of elections in May throughout the UK. He tried to argue, maybe excessively, that they are concerning who runs councils, and who runs the governments in Holyrood or Cardiff – and unrelated to Westminster.
True – up to a point. But although he may be reluctant to admit it, No 10 will be judged by those elections too.
This did not stop Sir Keir suggesting that there were no circumstances under which he would resign, should a his MPs challenged him for the job, if those elections prove disastrous for Labour.
He attempted to rationalise his unpopularity by saying the voters was reasonably eager for things to get better. He tried to assure the interviewer, and the public, that 2026 would be different.
The economy would recover notwithstanding rising unemployment, he claimed, when strategies the administration enacted during their first turbulent year began to take effect.
His big message is that in 2026 the country will "turn the corner".
The PM may have communicated with renewed vitality than I've seen from him for a while – more relaxed, maybe, with a longer slot to talk.
However, in spite of facing demands from within his own party for a more decisive strategy, with greater political clarity, more urgency, more speed and more urgency, his arguments were repeated ones.
Given that he is in this much political trouble, should he consider a different script?
No administration, and especially not one that has been struggling in the polls for many months, has everything its as planned.
The Prime Minister's problems are not only because governing is difficult, but because he and his team have erred, even in the recent past.
The prime minister told me that he regretted saying he was "delighted" to see the return of the Egyptian-British activist Alaa Abd El Fattah to the UK following an backlash when statements he'd previously made – such as calls for Zionists and police to be killed – surfaced.
Starmer blamed "procedures" for not catching what the activist had said before – a more diplomatic way of saying not my fault.
And he is inviting clear political perils as the year gets going. His alliance with the US president takes on a new risk after Trump's intervention on Venezuela.
Having interviewed Sir Keir Starmer, a ex- human rights lawyer who was against the war in Iraq, over many years, the notion he would be comfortable with this kind of intervention seems implausible.
He stated he was a "longtime champion of international law" but we "just haven't got the entire story at the moment".
Opponents demanded criticise the action before we spoke. And the government is expected to face more pressure to give an definitive view in Parliament in the coming days.
And there has always been simmering desire in the Labour ranks to reverse or renegotiate some of the results of Brexit.
The PM denies he's doing that, but his new more concrete plan to move closer with the EU's single market – the huge economic European trading zone – will probably provoke accusations that he is breaking his pledge never to try to reverse the decisions that flowed from Brexit.
A commitment to align with more of the single market will delight some on his side of the party, but it is simple material for Reform and the Conservatives to
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